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Go here for more help. Share your favorite with your friends! These difficulties are sufficient to have resulted in the proposition that there were two Juan de la Cosa's, one a master and entrepreneur, and the other a cartographer see below.
There is additional evidence as to the location of "Santa Maria del Puerto," of which de la Cosa is stated to have been its vesino. Fortuitously a contemporary letter of the queen gives evidence as to its location, today considered most probable.
The letter addresses the Bishop of Badajoz , the royal officer managing the fleet. It is dated 25 August , one month after the return of the fleet.
It informs the Bishop that Juan de la Cosa, a vesino of Puerto de Santonia, had petitioned the crown for payment of salary accrued to men who had died in the service of the queen, presumably to be distributed to the relatives.
The etymology of the name is believed to be as follows: an object, "Santa Maria," is being stated to be in a place called Puerto.
Fortuitously a single reference from a classical author provides a likely identification of Puerto. There is a church in the vicinity, Santa Maria del Puerto, which once must have had a parish.
No parish records concerning Juan have been identified, but the deficit can be explained by known fires over the centuries.
There is a district named after the de la Cosa family, who were noble patrons of the neighborhood,  and there was also a reputed family home.
The de la Cosas were prosperous mariners, explaining how Juan might have gotten the Santa Maria but different theories have been proposed.
In any case the high proportion of Cantabrians in the crew supports the theory. The name, de la Cosa, is consistent with the conventions of forming Spanish names from Basque names.
The "de" was prefixed to the name as a sign of their legal nobility. It did not refer to a patronym, as in Indo-European, or to a place. The evidence concerning Juan de la Cosa is divided in two, an early, poorly attested period up to the missing turning point mentioned by Pery above , in which he is a shipmaster and entrepreneur, and a later, well attested explorer serving in many senior roles: navigator, cartographer, master and consultant, who continued to sail with Columbus and also with other explorers such as Amerigo Vespucci.
His is the earliest known surviving map of the new world. This bold explorer was killed by a poisoned arrow in a Custer -like raid on the natives, whom the Spanish had, evidently, underestimated.
The early history of the Santa Maria belongs to the early phase. The most certain evidence of Juan de la Cosa, cartographer, is a world map on parchment discovered in , now in the Museo Naval in Madrid.
In the latter case the community of Santa Maria is located within the terrain called Puerto. Regardless of whether Santa Maria is one place or two, Santona can still figure as Juan's birthplace.
In either case, how Juan arrived at Andalusia from Cantabria is a gap, one explanation being that there were two Juan's from Santona, but even that explanation requires a move.
The authenticity of the map has always been in question, especially since much of it is illegible to the unaided eye due to its dilapidated condition.
Multispectral analysis , however, has brought out sufficient detail to perform cartographic and geographic analyses upon it, which are ongoing, and have been and are being published in a large variety of sources, many of them graphic.
This article relies mainly on the summary given by Arthur Davies, who developed his theses in different articles and came to work up a standard summary.
Exploration in the late 15th century was in the hands of a small class of veteran mariners, such as Columbus , de la Cosa , Vespucci , Cabot another Genoese , and not a few others.
History has dubbed these men and their companions Conquistadores from the later historical results, but it is unlikely that they viewed themselves as such in Columbus' time, being mainly interested in trade, gold, and colonization.
Conquest is what they finally had to do to accomplish those goals in the lands of the natives. These monarchs in particular made exploration and possession of the New World their main preoccupation.
They often allocated unlimited funding to the expeditions. The professional mariners had to be first of all skilled ship captains.
Second, they had to be able to navigate and be familiar with charts a trade word for marine maps. Unlike today's navigators, who rely on admiralty charts and GPS 's to determine position within a few feet, 15th century mariners made their own charts during exploration of unknown lands, the " Portolan charts ," from which subsequent sailors to the region would take sailing directions.
These were promulgated freely among the mariners, in contrast to the classical protocols of secrecy. The monarchs, who had formulated treaties among themselves, needed to know as quickly as possible who had discovered and claimed what land masses, and when.
In Columbus' times, the ad hoc portolans were brought back to the office of the chief navigator whether captain or some other officer where they were transferred to a mappa mundi , "world map.
The mariners all knew each other. When not voyaging they visited each other to donate their own data and read the latest data from the mappa kept there.
The development of the latest maps was their common cause, otherwise they continued to compete. That Juan de la Cosa had his own office at Puerto de Santa Maria is thus made certain by the surviving map, published in under his name.
That he did not himself draw the mappa is shown by the names assigned places on coasts he visited, and had a major hand in the nomenclature, such as the coast of Venezuela in , but appear garbled or incomprehensible on the map, which must be attributed to a draftsman.
De la Cosa knew what names he had assigned. The publication date of the mappa is substantiated by the data that appears upon it.
Landforms east of the Amazon were discovered by Vicente Pinzon , — Their appearance on the mappa must be dated to after September , when he returned.
He lost no time in visiting Juan de la Cosa's office, which must have been there on the port's harbor. That de la Cosa relied on Pinzon is shown by his map note that a certain cape was discovered by Pinzon in On the other hand, no data from discoveries made after appear on the map.
It may therefore be dated to October — December Amerigo Vespucci visited de la Cosa's office in , probably to report data on coasts he had explored.
In October, Rodrigo de Bastidas , another seasoned explorer, departed for the New World at the pleasure of the queen. This is when de la Cosa left his instructions on the mappa.
Vespucci is likely to have been left in charge, as, invited to Portugal to confer with its king about an unknown urgent matter, he felt free to bring along the map, as the Portuguese monarch had suggested.
The result was the discovery and claiming of Brazil for Portugal. De la Cosa arrived at Lisbon in on the trail of the map. On making inquiries he was promptly arrested, a hypocritical act, as the monarch knew perfectly well whose map it was.
By this time the information had been copied. On negotiation Vespucci agreed to present the map to Isabella.
No further additions had been made or would be made; it was strictly a historical and ornamental object, and was already out of date.
From these attested facts it is clear that de la Cosa, cartographer, maintained an office in Andalusia at Puerto de Santa Maria near Cadiz, where his mappa mundi was kept on display, and that he led a band of employees who maintained the map and kept the office while he was away on expedition.
This status is not inconsistent with a role as entrepreneur. Columbus' second voyage began on 25 September , with the departure of a ship armada from Cadiz under the command of the Admiral.
As for the first voyage, the admiral was required to keep a log, but it also has been lost. Summaries of parts of it survive in his son's biography, and briefly in some other sources.
Chanca was the fleet surgeon, appointed by the queen. He wrote from the field, sending the post with Antonio de Torres, who was sailing back to Spain with news and requests.
Apart from the doctor's personal business in Seville, his letter is highly anthropological, giving a cultural view of the natives.
With regard to the history of the voyage he says nearly nothing, but the turn of events revealed by the biography and a letter of Columbus posing as a "memorial" see below stands in sharp contrast to his optimism.
We are, so to speak, being treated to the doctor's bedside manner, the patient being far from healthy. Of events before the departure, little survives,  but the biography supplies some detail.
The "turning point" mentioned by Pery above is not entirely absent. The first fleet returned to Palos all two ships and there received instructions to report to the royals at Barcelona.
Nothing is said of de la Cosa. The playing field was no longer level, however. The pope had weighed in, approving the exploration, and setting lines of demarcation.
Rejected, and ordered not to come to Barcelona except in the company of Columbus, a dejected Pinzon went home to Palos to die there of illness caused by hardship on the voyage.
Whether he would have faced charges at Barcelona remains to be seen. He would have faced the glorification of Columbus. Previously, on 30 April , the latter had been made a Don , with the title of "Admiral of the Ocean Sea.
In June Columbus arrived in Seville with a license to collect a fleet, in the same way, no doubt, as he had at Palos. As the fleet departed in September, there was not enough time to build one; i.
This status did not make them a private navy, as are privateers , since the personnel were in the royal navy and were being paid ultimately by the queen next section.
The biography says " Chanca's letter, although the doctor cannot be proved to have said it. Volunteers flocked to the standard from all walks of life, many willing to serve without pay.
Columbus chose he thought would be the most useful. Unknown to him, trouble was already brewing beneath the surface, as was revealed in a crisis and was published in the "Memorial.
The contractors were at work shorting provisions: the casks supplied were not watertight and the wine they carried leaked away;  the salt beef was short and in poor condition; foodstuffs required for cooking were missing, having been sold off elsewhere.
Later the queen would swoop among the contractors like an avenging angel, but for now provisions and equipment would appear to be adequate.
The fleet, considered prepared, having assembled at Cadiz, departed from there, the admiral commanding, on 25 September The weather being unusually good, they sighted the New World again on 3 November, Dr.
Cnanca complaining that "la noa Capitana" flagship was slower and had slowed them down. At dawn on the 3rd "un piloto de la nao Capitana," spied land, claiming the reward for that event.
The doctor quipped, he was not one who had not seen enough water. The day was Sunday. The land spied was an island. As the dawn brightened another appeared, and then four more.
Some editions include the names dubbed in from the Biography. At the time Chanca wrote, the names were not known or not assigned.
In fact Columbus had overshot Hispaniola to the southeast and was picking his way among the Lesser Antilles in the vicinity of Guadeloupe.
He knew where he was roughly. All the ship captains had received instructions how to get to Navidad in case they were separated.
Those were sealed until required, if ever. The point of this nicety remains obscure, as there was no one to spy out the secret who would not shortly know all.
The Biography says that the admiral named the first island seen Domenica , because discovered on Sunday. He named the second Marigalante after the ship.
As the only extant edition of the original Biography is a translation of the Spanish into Tuscan , called Italian on the title page, by Alfonso Ulloa Basque name ,  the names in it cannot be assumed to be either Spanish or not Spanish unless so indicated by Ulloa.
Whatever the origin, the name stayed with the island in western maps and writings, even though the Spanish did not settle there.
The application is totally speculative. Saint Mary, if that is the person referenced by the name, is a figure of reverence, not an adventuress, and could not be called the latter without an insult to the religion.
Anyone who dared such a meaning in those times would not be alive for much longer; men were burned for less. Only modern pagan writers far from the fires of Inquisition might suggest that under the very noses of the authors of the Inquisition, the Don and Dona of Spain, and the staunchest advocates of Catholicism, Columbus, Juan de la Cosa and all his Basque countrymen, who were indispensable to the expedition, the patron saint of the expedition and the entire new Spanish Empire could be so insulted by a salacious ship name, and the same can be said of those who postulate salacious overtones for the Nina and Pinta.
The Italian text of the Biography is: . The admiral had planned to settle Navidad further, a goal he still had when he anchored before the sand bar on the last night at sea.
On making the shocking discovery the next day that it no longer existed and the Europeans were all dead, massacred by the natives, he changed his mind, responding to the new military dimension of the affair.
He explored further along the coast looking for a defensible site with a good harbor. He found it at La Isabela , named after the queen, currently a historic park in the Dominican Republic , about miles from Cap-Haitien , Haiti , a city close to the location of Navidad.
According to Dr. Chanca, the criteria were "an excellent harbor and abundance of fish. The soil was so fertile that it grew an abundance of vegetables, especially the yam, in only 8 days.
A landing was made 8 days before Christmas, , about 3 months after the expedition had left port in Spain. Exploring parties were sent out to investigate native reports of gold in the hills.
One found it in over 50 streams. Other evidence suggests that the real circumstances were not so rosy as the sanguine doctor decided to portray; in fact, the opportunity to send letters was based on dire need.
On 2 February , a return fleet of 12 ships was dispatched to Spain under Antonio de Torres, ostensibly to report the news, but more pointedly to ask for emergency assistance.
One third of his men were ill, he said, from eating and drinking native food and water. The doctor was working day and night. The men were still in huts built native-style, or else on the ships.
Columbus alone had a stone, European-style house. Stone walls had been started, but the natives moved freely among them. The Europeans were in continual fear of a surprise attack, despite posting sentries.
Would the sovereigns send immediately additional professionals and medical supplies along with decent European food, etc.
No gold could be mined without the augment. Columbus did not ask directly. Instead he fabricated the excuse that he was instructing de Torres about what to put in a "memorial," or factual white paper, he was to formulate ad hoc and present to the sovereigns.
This ruse fooled no one. De Torres passed it on to the sovereigns and they wrote their comments in the margins.
Those comments were entirely supportive, and he was given almost everything he asked for. The one exception was his request to convert some of the relief ships to slavers.
He would capture some Carribs, put them aboard ships used to bring horses and other animals to the island, and transport them to Spain, where they would be converted, educated out of their man-eating, body-painting ways, and sold at the block to recoup the cost.
The queen took this type of suggestion under further advisement, but her doing so did not appear to deter Columbus from enslaving the natives.
The relief was dispatched immediately, undoubtedly in all or some of the same twelve caravels. The Atlantic coast of Iberia is divided between Spain and Portugal , but the coast of Portugal divides the Spanish coast.
Spain and Portugal were intense competitors for any sort of maritime business and in the discovery and settlement of the New World.
The staging ground for Spanish exploration was mainly the Atlantic coast of Andalusia , recently captured from the Moors in the 15th century.
Northward from Andalusia was Portugal, and north of it Galicia. Its ports and ships served the northern trade routes. On the western side of the northern coast of Iberia eastward of Galicia were Asturias and Cantabria, mountainous regions except for a coastal strip, occupied by a population speaking a Romance language.
The east was given to the Basques , native Euskaldunak, a quasi-autonomous people speaking their own language, native Euskera , unrelated to any other.
The educated and professional classes were bilingual. They necessarily used Spanish in business, as Basque was not written for ordinary purposes a few Basque authors began to appear in the 15th century.
Their names were converted to Spanish according to rule. Under these Spanish names they made large contributions of manpower to the exploration and settlement of the New World.
In the 15th century they were unswervingly loyal to Ferdinand and Isabella, and they to them. The Atlantic coasts of Iberia being mainly mountainous, the cities and shipyards are on bays and the rivers that, draining the highlands, empty into them.
The Roman word for one of these bays, or harbors, is portus, "throughway," closely related to porta, "gate.
Portus became puerto in Spanish. English speakers know it simply as port. The Romans further qualified portus with another name in the genitive case, which over the centuries was lost, leaving just puerto in Spain, but the Spanish followed the Roman custom by assigning a name after de.
At the uppermost levels of loyalty and identity it is not a legal structure at all. There is no nation of the Basques. Within each of these a formal provincial structure applies.
Iparralde contains Lapurdi , Behe Nafarroa , and Zuberoa. Hegoalde contains Nafarroa , Bizkaia , Araba , and Gipuzkoa the spellings may vary in the transliterations into different languages.
The provenience of these names is mainly unknown, except that they are ancient. Nafarroa is its own Autonomous Community. He was being financed by a factory owner of Pontevedra.
He also expressed that he wanted to build the confidence of the people so that they might work to restore the prosperity of old.
These motives were nothing like the objectivity demanded of today's scholars, but the book was popular right from its first publication.
De la Riega begins with the generally accepted circumstances of Columbus' departure from Spain, which he also accepts. All these ships were second-hand if not third- or more and were not intended for exploration.
On 2 January , the last remaining Moslem stronghold in Spain, Granada , fell to the armies of the Catholic monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella.
They began making changes in the direction of cultural unity. The Moslems were encouraged to leave for North Africa. The Jews were given a choice: convert to Catholicism or leave the country a dictate that led to the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain.
Roman methods of interrogation were still in effect, which always involved torture, even if the suspect began by confessing everything.
As the New Christians so they were called , were never arrested unless already convicted in public belief, the outcome was almost always some form of burning , dead if already executed or alive, although individual expulsion was sometimes used.
On the other hand, those who professed Catholicism, but practiced or seemed to practice Crypto-Judaism , were called Marranos. These lived a life of terrible fear and secrecy.
In the conclusion of their affairs at Granada the monarchs dismissed Christopher Columbus, who had been at their court for 6.
Meanwhile, the queen would stand the expenses, for which she said she would pledge her jewels for collateral , if necessary it was apparently not necessary.
The only way to understand a head of state being privately indebted for public enterprises, or having to pawn personal property, is to turn back the clock in the evolution of modern states.
There were no departments or agencies staffed by professionals who for the most part carry on without the immediate supervision of the head of state.
Fort Knox, so to speak, was non-existent. In 15th century Spain and other European monarchies the sovereign presided over every state enterprise.
The operational expenses were covered in advance by loans to the sovereign or persons designated by the sovereign. The sources of the loans were generally customary.
The backers were happy to do that for an agreed interest. The revenue to pay off specific loans came from the exercise of governmental prerogatives: taxes, tariffs, fines, fees, etc.
The sovereign presided over the imposition of these obligations. They were collected, however, by private enterprises, as they had been in Roman times.
Thus, the promise of Isabella to pay was really the assertion that she would create an obligation for her subjects to pay. Meanwhile, she had to conform to the protocols for borrowing money, such as putting up collateral.
Possession of such collateral would never be demanded. The jewels were never at risk. The voyage was principally financed by a syndicate of seven noble Genovese bankers resident in Seville the group was linked to Amerigo Vespucci and funds belonging to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de Medici.
Hence, all the accounting and recording of the voyage was kept in Seville. This also applies to the second voyage , even though the syndicate had by then disbanded.
However, Columbus' order is a simplification. He visited many more small islands, investigating everything everywhere.
Striking the north coast of Cuba, he sailed westward, going around the west end of the island. Then he sailed eastward and southward.
Clinging to the belief that he was in the Far East, he at first supposed he was off Cipango , Portuguese name for " Japan ," which supposition was recorded in the journal.
While skimming the coast of Cuba from bay to bay, the ships were visited by many native vessels of life-boat and galley styles.
He found the natives comely and friendly. They were under a pyramidal tribal structure, were polygamous, wore no clothes, painted their bodies, and wore jewelry: rings, bracelets, anklets, necklaces, some of which were made of gold.
Furniture was often elaborately carved in the shape of animals with golden eyes and ears. They were all helpful, wondering at the Europeans.
Inquiring as to the source of the gold, Columbus was told that it was produced on, and traded from, the island of Bohio.
On 5 November, the crews collected large amounts of spices that were very expensive in Europe. On the 6th, they were invited to a feast in a mountain village of 50 houses, population, who thought the Spanish were from heaven.
The Spanish smoked tobacco for the first time. They repaid the kindness of the natives by beginning, on 12 November, to detain native visitors to the ship and kidnap natives on shore, planning to carry them back to Spain.
Many would be sold into slavery there, against the express orders of the queen. The natives were so credulous that one father whose entire family had been kidnapped begged to be taken also so that he could share heaven.
It was at this time that the reputation of childishness and simplicity became attached to the natives, whom the Spanish called Indios, "Indians.
On 21 November the fleet set course for Bohio. Natives aboard the Pinto told Columbus where it was. They must have known a great deal more not told to Columbus, as the master of the Pinto decided to go gold hunting on his own.
After a confrontation with Columbus the Pinto weighed anchor and disappeared. The two often differ. Ferdinand had access to the original journal, while moderns can access only the summary of Las Casas.
Only hypothetical reconstructions of the sequence of events are available. They depend on, or determine, unknown which the meaning of certain features and events in the now unknown original.
The overall location is certain. Various investigators have examined it in person, drawing different conclusions, among them Samuel Eliot Morison.
The archaeologists also have been at work. No evidence is for certain. Interpretations depend on a perceived preponderance of circumstantial evidence.
The wreck did not occur on any planned return trip, as though the mere discovery of new lands was enough for the great explorer.
On the contrary, Columbus was on a hunt for portable valuables, having already claimed the entire region as the property of Spain, even though it was inhabited by a populous trading and agricultural nation.
That nation was told nothing of Columbus' intent. The main commodities that he was now seeking were gold, spices, and people, in that order.
The night being calm, the steersman also decided to sleep, leaving only a cabin boy to steer the ship, a practice which the admiral had always strictly forbidden.
She struck "so gently that it could scarcely be felt. The ship was making way into the ever diminishing shallows and becoming embedded more and more deeply in the sandy bottom.
The boy shouted. The admiral appeared, followed shortly by the captain. Under orders of the admiral to sink an anchor astern to impede the drift, the captain and seamen launched a boat.
As the relationship between the admiral and the captain and crew was never very good the admiral had commandeered the captain's ship , the admiral remained forever recriminatory about what happened next.
Disregarding the admiral's orders, the boat rowed to the nearby Nina , the admiral says, to ask for rescue.
Shortly they turned back accompanied by a boat from the Nina , the idea being, perhaps, that the two boats might tow the flagship back to deeper waters.
The admiral claims that the renegade crew was denied permission to board. The Pinta was nowhere in sight. There is another interpretation.
Asserting that the hasty abandonment of the vessel was less than credible, Arthur Davies hypothesizes that the captain perceived the ship as being beyond the help of small boats and an anchor, but might yet be hauled off by the Nina under sail in the prevailing offshore winds.
He interprets Columbus' words and deeds as probable hypocrisy: "If anyone 'wrecked' the Santa Maria of set purpose, it was surely the admiral himself.
His motive was the fact that the natives were obtaining gold in the highlands and were brokering it abroad.
He needed gold and land to pay for the voyage. The timbers were later used to build a fort which Columbus called La Navidad Christmas because the wreck occurred on Christmas Day, north from the modern town of Limonade   see map , and the photograph.
Fastenings used in the hull and possible copper sheathing dated it to the 17th or 18th century. Santa Maria in profile replica. Front to back: forecastle, midships, aftercastle.
Masts: fore, main, mizzen, fore preceded by a bowsprit. Forecastle, roofed by the foredeck. The vertical device is a capstan for weighing anchor.
The senior crew lived here. Main mast from amidships, showing spars with furled sails and the crow's nest.
The marinaros, or sailors, had to be able to climb quickly up and down the rigging to access the sails for furling or unfurling, raising or lowering.
View of the stern. The deck at the top is the poop deck. Just below it is the cabin, which has windows. The door exits to the quarterdeck, which ends with a drop to amidships.
The tiller fastened to the top of the rudder enters the vessel. The quarterdeck seen from the poop deck.
Beyond it is the midships area, and beyond that the forecastle. The men were thus obviously under observation from the quarterdeck at all times.
The officers, however, had their own problems of planning the course and the configuration of the sails to achieve it.
View of cabin, home of Columbus on his first voyage. No one else had these luxurious accommodations. There were no other cabins.
Note the charts in the rack. Alice Bache Gould is considered the major scholar of the ship's company of the first Santa Maria during the first voyage of Columbus.
She spent the better part of her working career in Spain researching the records on Columbus and his times, only coming home for a few years to avoid the Spanish Civil War.
Gould died of natural causes before she was able to publish a book, but her articles and notes survive. A book was assembled for her posthumously and published in by the Real Academia de la Historia in Madrid.
The list is a column of names with the additional columns marking which author was "in" or "out" for that name. She explains that the only way she could make a comparative list was to arrange them in alphabetic order by first name, as the first names in the sources varied least of all.